Democrats and Republicans may not be able to agree on whether to increase taxes as part of a deal to raise the federal debt ceiling. But they can at least agree on this much: the need to restrain Medicare spending. The trick is finding a way to do it without sacrificing quality and access to care.
The month of June has been a tough one for Obamacare. With a variety of reports questioning a range of its provisions, one must wonder how many more months like this it can endure before it becomes a former law?
Obamacare’s number-one idea for improving health care quality and reducing costs is to promote something called “accountable care organizations” in Medicare is sinking like a stone because it is premised on the notion that government experts can direct the market better than consumers.
Mitt Romney’s reversals on a variety of policy issues create the impression that when he’s with you, he’s with you. At least until he leaves the room. The impression is again playing out in regard to Romney’s stunning reversal on Massachusett’s health plan.
The president and the Republicans agree that balancing the federal budget is impossible without restraining Medicaid spending. That will be much easier if we could stop pretending that every single Medicaid enrollee needs to be there.
Seventeen governors sent a letter to congressional leaders in opposition to a plan by House Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan, R-Wis., to convert Medicaid into a block grant program. But their criticisms fall flat.
This week, House Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan, R-Wis., will release a budget blueprint that tackles the three big health care challenges facing the budget
One year ago, the House approved the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act. Two days later, the measure became law. Normally, that would be enough to transform a bill into a permanent fixture of American life. But this was no ordinary bill.
Despite the rhetoric about compromise, what President Barack Obama actually did when he announced that states would have some flexibility in implementing the health law was give states the option of replacing his law with a single-payer health system three years earlier than it otherwise could have happened.
Those who believe the health law is unconstitutional have a solemn obligation not to implement it.
When 34 Senate Democrats joined all 47 Republicans last week to repeal ObamaCare’s 1099 reporting requirement, their votes confirmed what their talking points still deny: ObamaCare will increase the deficit.
Just before Christmas, PolitiFact.com gave their Lie of the Year award to the idea that ObamaCare is a “government takeover of health care.” But, according to Michael Cannon, significant evidence suggests this claim is no lie at all.
These supposed “consumer protections” are hurting millions of Americans by increasing the cost of insurance and the cost of hiring, as well as driving insurers out of business. They should be called what they really are: regulations that can hurt even more than they help.
A Cato Institute new study finds implicit marginal tax rates would hover near 70-80 percent over broad ranges of income. In many cases, they would exceed 100 percent, financially penalizing those who try to climb the economic ladder.
Far from being “game-changers,” the agreements are the same old Washington game of bribes, backroom deals, profiteering and protectionism.
As congressional Democrats prepare to deliver on President Barack Obama’s goal of “expanding coverage to all Americans” an important question remains unanswered: is universal coverage worth the money? Not only is there “no evidence” to show that universal coverage is the most cost-effective use of our $2 trillion, the benefits may not exceed the costs at all.